Nationalism enjoys popularity across party lines. It might therefore be fitting for Indian youth to ask themselves: what is the thread of Indianness that binds us as brothers and sisters? The first guess would be the territory — coincidentally, the focus of the first part of the Constitution of India. Ecology and climate, then, become our shared national concern.
Unfortunately, climate change is not a widely popular concern in India. Even organisations representing women and Dalits, arguably among the most distinct groups impacted by climate change, have largely chosen to ignore its challenges. Scientists and other experts, including many from India, have warned us for decades about the impending catastrophe resulting from climate change. Who hasn’t heard about melting glaciers at the South Pole and their link to the extreme and erratic weather in our cities? It is said that this disaster could strike as early as 2050 or 2070, unless nations take drastic and large-scale remedial action.
On July 22, 2024, the Government of India presented the Economic Survey 2023-24 to the Parliament. Chapter 5 of the survey outlines a future roadmap, while Chapter 13 makes a bold declaration, signalling a departure from decades-old United Nations efforts on climate change. In short, India’s stance has long been that the West has secured prosperity and comfort for its citizens through environmentally destructive industrialisation, so the country contends that they should not be unfairly restricted in their growth, including their emissions, given the historical context.
But what’s new about Chapter 13 is that it dismisses global efforts to limit the average temperature rise to 1-2 degrees Celsius, based on a paper by a single British scientist. It also infuses an ideological slant into the climate change debate, defending the far right on a global scale.
Chapter 13 encompasses everything: Thematic nitpicking, calls for empirical data, disputes over data, geopolitics, blame games, policy wizardry, self-congratulation and philosophical musings. Very few left-leaning intellectuals would be able to counter the content of Chapter 13 on its own terms. It appears deep, comprehensive, smooth and wise. This is precisely why Chapter 13 must be read alongside Chapter 5 to discern whether the Government of India’s actions align with its lofty proclamations.
As an activist for Adivasi rights, I can point out that India’s sustainability record is largely due to the existence and practices of tribal communities, not the Aryan traditions defended through Sanskrit aphorisms. There is nothing wrong with the Government of India seeking a unique Bharatiya model for sustainability, but it must be subject to strict scrutiny regarding the actual benefits to marginalised sections of the population.
No other issue holds as much importance for the Indian public. In a true democracy, the common people must participate beyond merely voting in elections. Rather than reviewing a government policy document from a journalistic perspective, it would be better to support the chief economic advisor’s call for all Indians to read Chapter 13 and attempt to understand it.
For ease, let’s examine current trends in four key areas: Housing and construction, food processing, electricity and entertainment and transport and cars. Construction is one of the major engines of economic growth in India, but where is the utility analysis of large infrastructure projects and the identification of actual beneficiaries in quantitative and qualitative terms? Housing challenges are evident, but what about the over one crore housing units lying unoccupied across the country, either as high-end investments, unviable properties, or simply too shabby to live in?
The financial commitment of Indian governments to promoting healthy eating habits, such as through the consumption of millets, is negligible compared to the push for food processing. While India has made significant progress in reducing child mortality and maternal mortality, national health and fitness challenges have deepened and diversified in this millennium.
India has set some ambitious targets for generating renewable energy, completely failed to prioritise electricity usage, as the focus remains on inflating false average consumption estimates. Tourism is the second most popular entertainment activity after the use of computing devices. On one hand, this tourism boom places enormous strain on the limited natural resources of popular destinations; on the other, it diverts much-needed resources away from making local neighbourhoods hygienic and sustainable, even in cities like Gurugram and Bengaluru.
Our development paradigm has become so deeply fixated on cars and luxury travel that no human or financial resources are left to address neighbourhood mobility or improve road and train safety.
India has long taken pride in its demographic dividend, with children and youth forming the largest segment of the population. In 2023, India overtook China as the world’s most populous nation. It stands to reason that the opinions of Indian youth could shape the future of the planet.
While some have derided the widespread political ignorance of Indian youth, parents across all economic strata, from billionaires to daily wage workers, swear that the country’s children and youth have never been as smart as they are today.
It will be interesting to observe how Indian youth engage with the climate change discourse. This article or collective is intended as a catalyst — a shout-out to the chief economic advisor and his public appeal for every Indian to read Chapter 13. Something more substantial in these tricolour-waving times would certainly not go amiss.
BK Manish is subaltern legal consultant and Adivasi rights activist from Chhattisgarh
Views expressed are the author’s own and don’t necessarily reflect those of Down To Earth
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